A continuum negotiation model for a functional coalition government

Author: Dr Fikile Vilakazi-Alberts, Director of the Gender Equity Unit at the University of the Western Cape and independent socio-economic and political analyst

The results of the national, regional and provincial elections of 2024 in South Africa demand a re-organization of the manner in which government works.

The voter has clearly demonstrated a move towards a government that is led by most if not all political parties at the National Assembly.

South Africans do not want a majority led government, but a multiparty arrangement that promotes a functional government that has potential to build a capable state that can prioritize service delivery using multiple ideological approaches to ensure that diverse citizens of South Africa enjoy a decent life that they voted for.

A continuum negotiation model for a functional coalition government is presented below to propose a framework through which this joint work can be done through the leadership of a politically diversified ideological parliament.

The model argues that functionality is possible in diversity, for as long as parties in an ideologically diversified parliament are able to value the input of each member towards a diversified output and outcome towards service delivery as outlined in the model below.

The model is developed from a functionalist theory of governance which argues that all parts of a whole are important to the successful functioning of the individual and the whole.

The theory of functionalism always uses the likeness of a human body, where the right hand cannot fully function without the left hand, similarly with the brain which cannot function without the heart and so on, suggesting that every part of the body feeds to the ultimate health and survival of the whole body.

In politics, this means that each political party functions towards the stability of the body politik and in governance, similarly each institution functions towards the stability and integration of the public sphere and socio-economic system.

In view of the above, the model proposes that a coalition government be constituted by all 18 political parties in government through a system of proportional representation where the party with highest numbers gets the highest positions, roles and responsibilities i.e.

The ANC (159) votes become President and Deputy President and lead all other unallocated ministries, the DA (87) taking chairperson of NCOP and deputy and 5 ministries, MKP (58), lead 3 ministries  EFF (39) get Speaker, Deputy Speaker and 2 ministries, IFP (17) 4 ministries, PA (9) 3 ministries, ActionSA & FF (6) 2 ministries and all other parties  like UDM, ACDP, RISE, CCC, BOSA, ATM, ALJAMA-AH, PAC, GOOD AND ATM with 3 and 1 seats respectively can chair various portfolio committees of parliament and maybe 1 ministry each.

In this way, power, responsibility and accountability is decentralised and shared amongst all political parties and perhaps this may minimise votes of no confidence because each has a responsibility to deliver services to the people within their ministries of leadership.

This model requires a level of compromise which I call a buffer zone where each political party is required to atleast a bare minimum compromise margin share zone of 25% of its ideological & philosophical positionalities and manifested programmes in order to meet other parties in an agreement a quarter way through to functionality.

The model requires that a compromise margin be clearly indicated in the agreement and made public to keep the public sphere engaged on what is possible and not possible under a coalition agreement. All parties are required by the model to negotiate within the parameters of the constitution and laws of the Republic in the back and forth enabled by the continuum. The continuum in the model provides for a possibility of negotiated ideological shifts from left to right center and back, such that it enables fluidity in the negotiation process between political parties.

The model expects that the voter will need to embrace this fluidity through voter education for the model to be truly functional in the public sphere given the maturity of our democracy and shifts that are necessitate by such a shift towards democratic maturity.

All of us essentially on the public sphere are expected to make the necessary shifts in our psyche in order for the model to function towards stability, integration, unity in diversity and social cohesion guided by the principles of honesty, compromise, realism, humility, respect, trust, bathopele, people centric and service delivery.